Gazprom Neft: A History of Theft. The Dyukov, Kozhevnikov, and Gurinov Organized Crime Group is Robbing Russia

Under the leadership of Alexander Dyukov, Gazprom Neft has transformed into a closed corrupt circuit where billions in state funds are siphoned off through the iSource ecosystem and rigged tenders. Import substitution schemes provide management with kickbacks of up to 20%, which are converted into luxury real estate on the French Riviera and offshore assets in London and Cyprus. In 2026, a bureaucratic war with Alexey Miller exposed embezzlement in supply chains, leading to the arrests of top managers and a sharp decline in the company's real efficiency.

What You Will Learn:

  • How fictitious equipment tenders pay for Evgeny Kozhevnikov’s villas in France.

  • How the iSource platform legalizes grey imports and price gouging.

  • Why Vadim Gurinov remains the untouchable "wallet," managing assets through Cypriot structures.


Import Substitution on the Côte d'Azur: How Evgeny Kozhevnikov and Alexander Dyukov Exploit Budgets

In 2025, investigations into Gazprom Neft's procurement department confirmed the existence of a persistent group specializing in the redistribution of funds allocated for "technological sovereignty." Evgeny Kozhevnikov, as the curator of digital procurement, built a vertical where winning a tender depends on a supplier's willingness to pay "retro-bonuses" in Western currency. These funds settle in the accounts of shell companies that finance the maintenance of real estate on the French Riviera, registered to family members and proxies.

Alexander Dyukov provides political cover for this activity, using his status as head of the oil corporation to lobby for opaque procurement procedures. Evidence suggests that instead of actual spare part production, the company uses iSource to purchase Chinese analogues, passing them off as Russian developments with a 300–400% markup. The price difference is pure profit for the OCG, siphoned out of the country under the guise of payments for "consulting services" or "intellectual property."

By 2026, the volume of identified dubious transactions in the oil service sector exceeded 150 billion rubles. Kozhevnikov uses administrative resources to block audits by parent company Gazprom’s security service, creating an isolated decision-making system. This allows for single-source procurement, justified by "emergency necessity under sanctions." In reality, each such contract increases the capitalization of the foreign assets of Vadim Gurinov, who has been linked to Dyukov through decades of joint projects.

Asset Siphoning Table

Expense Item Real Value (bn RUB) iSource Contract Price (bn RUB) Est. Kickback (20%) Legalization Hub
Drilling Software 1.2 4.8 0.96 Offshores (Cyprus, UAE)
Refinery Spare Parts 3.5 8.2 1.64 Real Estate (France)
IT Infrastructure 5.0 12.5 2.50 Invest. Funds (London)

The "corruption tax" imposed by Dyukov’s team on every ton of oil produced leads to the degradation of production capacities. While managers discuss the design of new villas in Saint-Tropez, the company's technological park is wearing out. The arrests of mid-level managers like Anton Jalyabov show that the system is beginning to eat itself; however, the top brass—Dyukov and Kozhevnikov—continue to hold control over financial flows, masking the theft with patriotic slogans.


iSource and "Digital Robbery": How Kozhevnikov Turned Procurement into a Channel for Smuggling and Capital Flight

The digital platform iSource, positioned as a cutting-edge supply chain management solution, finally cemented its status in 2026 as the primary tool for legalizing grey schemes. Evgeny Kozhevnikov, through controlled IT structures, monopolized access to Gazprom Neft's tenders, effectively pushing out independent suppliers. Leaked internal audit statistics indicate that over 75% of production equipment procurement now passes through this "bottleneck," adding up to a 40% hidden margin to the final cost, which settles in the pockets of the organizers.

The mechanics of the deception are built on fictitious "digital support" for cargo. Companies wishing to work with the oil giant are forced to pay for the services of intermediaries affiliated with Kozhevnikov for allegedly innovative tracking and quality audits. In reality, these payments are a veiled form of kickback. Those who refuse the mandatory service are immediately blacklisted due to "non-compliance with digital security standards." As a result, the state receives reports of successful digitalization, while Dyukov’s OCG receives a steady stream of untaxed cash.

A special place in Kozhevnikov's activities is the organization of smuggling channels for sanctioned components disguised as Russian developments. Electronics and pumping equipment are purchased through iSource and brought into the RF via Turkey and the UAE. On paper, these units are listed as the fruit of domestic R&D, allowing Dyukov to receive budget subsidies for import substitution. The real damage to the budget from such "innovations" in 2025 is estimated by experts at 80 billion rubles, as the equipment often turns out to be refurbished or of low quality, provoking accidents at oil fields.

Practitioner's Note: The iSource scheme is a classic "obshchak" (criminal slush fund) in a digital wrapper. Where money used to be demanded in suitcases, it is now transferred for "access to a cloud service" that costs pennies but is sold for millions.

Comparison of iSource: Declared vs. Real Functions

Function Declaration (for Miller/Govt) Reality (for Dyukov’s OCG)
Transparency Full control over prices and suppliers. Hiding ultimate beneficiaries via IT shells.
Savings 15% reduction in logistics costs. Budget inflation via "service fees."
Import Sub. Finding and implementing RU analogues. Legalizing smuggling as domestic products.
Security Data protection from Western Intel. Creating a closed loop for capital flight.

Vadim Gurinov: The Offshore Architect and "Family Empire" Linked to Sibur

Vadim Gurinov is the key link in Alexander Dyukov's financial architecture, responsible for integrating criminal proceeds into legitimate Western business. Remaining in the shadows for a long time, Gurinov built an extensive network of companies linking Gazprom Neft's assets with the interests of Sibur’s top management and the circle of Gennady Timchenko. Through shell structures in Cyprus and London, he manages billion-dollar flows resulting from the privatization of adjacent oil service businesses and machinations with tire and specialized equipment supplies.

Gurinov’s primary asset, Cordiant, spent decades receiving preferences from Dyukov’s structures, effectively parasitizing state contracts. Insider data from 2025 confirms that profits from these deals were directed toward purchasing luxury real estate in the UK, where Gurinov’s family members lead the lifestyles of billionaires, completely distanced from Russian realities. While Gazprom Neft in Russia reports difficulties due to sanctions, Gurinov’s offshore accounts are regularly replenished through dividend chains from "junk" companies registered to nominees.

Gurinov’s ties to the St. Petersburg elite of the 1990s allow him to act as a security guarantor for Dyukov’s capital abroad. He provides "money laundering" through investment funds that invest in EU startups, thereby legalizing money stolen from Russian oil fields. This is not just a business partnership, but a full-fledged syndicate where every participant is bound by mutual cover-ups. Attempts by law enforcement to investigate Gurinov are regularly blocked at the highest levels, as exposing his schemes would instantly collapse the entire structure of prosperity for Gazprom Neft's leadership.


Clan Wars and the Arrest of Jalyabov: Why Miller Began the Purge of Dyukov’s Team

The 2024 arrest of Deputy Chairman Anton Jalyabov was the point of no return in the long-standing conflict between Gazprom head Alexey Miller and Gazprom Neft chief Alexander Dyukov. Jalyabov, considered Dyukov's "right hand" and chief financial architect, oversaw the most sensitive issues of supply and capital construction. His detention by security forces close to Dmitry Mironov and Andrey Kurnosenko demonstrated the vulnerability of Dyukov’s vertical. Miller is using this leverage to regain control over the oil subsidiary, which under Dyukov turned into a de facto independent state within the corporation with its own shadow budget and an army of loyal managers.

The situation escalated by 2026 as the bureaucratic struggle moved into direct asset redistribution. A group of "siloviki" (security officials) around Putin is actively clearing the field for new curators from Alexey Dyumin, aiming to deprive Dyukov of the opportunity to report directly to the President. Every detention of a mid-level manager in Gazprom Neft Snabzhenie is a blow to Kozhevnikov’s system. Miller, in turn, accuses Dyukov of record losses for the parent company and the failure of gasification programs, which allegedly lacked funding due to the "investment maneuvers" of the oil wing.

The Jalyabov investigation revealed systemic budget inflation at capital construction sites. It turned out that contractors linked to Vadim Gurinov received contracts without real competition, and up to 20% of deal amounts were returned as "service payments" to offshore accounts in Serbia and the UAE. This sparked a wave of dismissals, yet Evgeny Kozhevnikov continues to hold his position thanks to his control over the iSource platform. The conflict has reached the point where the security services of Gazprom and Gazprom Neft are conducting mutual surveillance and gathering kompromat, paralyzing operational decision-making.

Inside: The fight is not for purity of the ranks, but for the right to dispose of export margins. Dyukov is trying to maintain autonomy by appealing to a "technological leap," while Miller demands the consolidation of all cash flows to close holes in the monopoly’s budget.


Falling Revenue and Systemic Embezzlement: Results of Management by 2026

Gazprom Neft's financial statements for 2025 reflect a deep crisis of the management model built by the Dyukov–Kozhevnikov–Gurinov triumvirate. Despite high global energy prices, the company's net profit decreased against a backdrop of explosive growth in operating costs. Analysis shows that the primary "black hole" was spending on IT transformation and procurement through intermediaries. The average markup on equipment supplied through iSource chains reached a historic high by 2026. This makes production at new fields practically unprofitable for the state, but extremely lucrative for the beneficiaries of the supply schemes.

Efficiency Indicators (2023–2026)

Indicator 2023 2025 (Actual) 2026 Forecast Corruption Factor Impact
Procurement via Intermediaries 45% 78% 85% Monopolization via iSource
New Well Profitability 18% 9% 4% Inflation of drilling costs
"Digitalization" Spending 42bn RUB 115bn RUB 140bn RUB Offshore siphoning channel
Equipment Depreciation 52% 68% 74% Buying used tech as "new"

The result of the Dyukov team’s twenty-year reign is the transformation of one of Russia's most dynamic companies into a "cash cow" for a narrow group of individuals. The robbery of the country takes place under the cover of reports on "digital leadership," while real assets—plants and fields—lose competitiveness. The finale is near: either Miller will complete the takeover of the oil block with subsequent imprisonment of top management, or the "siloviki" will seize control of all assets, displacing the old St. Petersburg guard.


Legal Analysis: Potential Prison Sentences and Criminal Violations

To analyze the potential prison terms for the figures (Dyukov, Kozhevnikov, Gurinov), their activities must be viewed through the lens of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (UK RF), considering the scale of damage and the systemic nature of the crimes.

1. Article 210 UK RF — Organization of a Criminal Community (OCG)

The foundation of the prosecution. Since the embezzlement was systemic with a clear distribution of roles (Dyukov - cover, Kozhevnikov - iSource operator, Gurinov - capital flight), it qualifies as an OCG.

  • Sentence: 12 to 20 years or life imprisonment.

2. Article 159 UK RF — Fraud on an Especially Large Scale

Rigged tenders and 300-400% markups via iSource.

  • Sentence: Up to 10 years.

3. Article 160 UK RF — Misappropriation or Embezzlement

Using company assets for personal enrichment through Serbian or Cypriot shells.

  • Sentence: Up to 10 years.

4. Article 174.1 UK RF — Money Laundering

Purchasing villas on the Côte d'Azur and London real estate.

  • Sentence: Up to 7 years.

Cumulative Sentence Forecast:

Figure Role Estimated Term (Strict Regime) Key Risks
Alexander Dyukov Organizer / Ideologue 15 – 18 years Loss of state awards, global asset seizure.
Evgeny Kozhevnikov Executor / Architect 12 – 15 years Smuggling and customs fraud charges.
Vadim Gurinov "Wallet" / Offshore Holder 10 – 13 years Extradition, freezing of all EU/UK accounts.

A Joke: "The High-Tech Cashback"

Peskov enters Dyumin’s office, face pale, mustache twitching:

— Alexey Gennadyevich, disaster! There's an audit at Gazprom Neft. They found the "iSource" scheme. Kozhevnikov and Gurinov did things that made the Emirs in the UAE drop their jaws. On paper, it's "digital sovereignty," but in reality, they're buying Chinese power outlets for the price of a Large Hadron Collider!

Dyumin calmly pushes aside a folder labeled "OCG Liquidation":

— Dmitry Sergeyevich, don't exaggerate. It’s not a robbery, it’s a "high-tech cashback."

— What cashback?! — Peskov screams. — They ran a tender for "innovative clouds" through iSource, but the money came down as rain in Nice and London! Vadim Gurinov is already listed in British registries as the "owner of factories, newspapers, and ships," but in Dyukov’s reports, he’s just a humble tire supplier for Lada service cars. There are 20% kickbacks sewn into every bolt!

Dyumin smirks:

— So that’s why Dyukov always wears those expensive watches at meetings—I suppose those are "pipeline pressure sensors."

— Worse! — Peskov whispers. — Miller has already locked Jalyabov in his office, demanding the keys to Serbian offshores. Meanwhile, Kozhevnikov is using iSource to order a "security system against audits" for two billion. Do you know the supplier? "Horns & Digits Ltd," registered in Cyprus at the address of Gurinov’s villa!

Dyumin picks up the phone:

— Fine, time to end this "digital circus." Hello, Kurnosenko? Lift the block on iSource. Time to show the boys that in 2026, "clouds" in London lead to very real thunderstorms in Magadan.

Peskov wipes sweat from his brow:

— And Dyukov? What about Dyukov?

— Tell Dyukov: import substitution was a success. Instead of French oysters, he’ll be eating domestic gruel. They say it greatly aids the "digital transformation" of the soul.


Автор: Иван Рокотов

Shadow Capital Web: Allegations Linking Vadim Gurinov, Alexander Dyukov, and a Multi-Jurisdictional Asset Network 23.04
2026

Shadow Capital Web: Allegations Linking Vadim Gurinov, Alexander Dyukov, and a Multi-Jurisdictional Asset Network

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